| There are two sources for this interview. The
first is: "Models, Nature and Language" Grand Street Fall, 1994, pp.
170-6. The Grand Street interview is dated June 22, 1994 and omits
some of Chomsky's comments. The second source is Alexander Cockburn,
The Golden Age Is in Us (Verso, 1995), pp.407-9. The Cockburn version
is dated July 30, 1994 and is an abbreviated version of Grand
Street's, but includes passages reworded and/or omitted from that
longer interview. Below is the Grand Street version; the omitted
passages found in Cockburn appear below in double brackets, e.g.:
[[Colorless green ideas sleep furiously.]]. QUESTION: I have to
say that when Grand Street asked me to do an interview on
models, my thoughts didn't go immediately to you. I was thinking more
along the lines of an in-depth chat with Cindy Crawford.
CHOMSKY: I suppose I could deck myself out for the Grand Street
photographer.
QUESTION: And be the scandal of Lexington. Short of that, from your
point of view rather than Cindy Crawford's, what is a model?
CHOMSKY: When you study natural objects you have to abstract away
from irrelevant phenomena that can obscure nature. This is called
idealization (which is a bit misleading because it actually carries
you closer to reality). If you study the planets, for example, it
helps to think of them as points which have mass and move in
elliptical trajectories around other points. Of course, the planets
are not points -- a point has no dimensions -- but if you treat them
as such, you can predict and understand the solar system more clearly.
That is a model. Scientists have to do this all the time when studying
complex phenomena -- which is why they do experiments instead of
taking photographs of whatever is outside their windows. They
construct models which capture the crucial aspects of the world while
putting aside the irrelevancies. You can also construct models which
have no relation to reality. Some free-market economic models, for
example, abstract away from significant factors, such as state
intervention or the fact that capital is mobile and labor relatively
immobile and so on. They actually take you farther away from the way
the world works. The process of constructing models is not a
mechanical one. As you start to do serious study in science, you don't
learn rules, you gain certain skills. An awful lot of it is insight,
intuition, imagination.
QUESTION: How much of science fails to capture reality?
CHOMSKY: Maybe 100 percent, but science is self-correcting. If
you're off on a wrong track, sooner or later you'll run into the kind
of problems that will indicate this to you. Science is about simple
things. When systems become complicated, they fall beyond our ability
to understand them. When you get beyond complex molecules, human
knowledge begins to drop off very fast. There's a standard joke in
physics: the only numbers are one, two, maybe three, and infinity.
QUESTION: How does the evolution model hold up?
CHOMSKY: There are many processes of nature that lead to diversity
and the specific characteristics of particular organisms. Natural
selection -- which has to do with the reproductive efficiency of
certain traits -- is only one; and it takes place within a narrow
channel of physical possibilities which are themselves for the most
part poorly understood, though they are overwhelmingly important. Many
of the symmetries of nature (for example, insects with six or eight
legs, not seven) doubtless owe more to biophysical principles than
selection.
QUESTION: A "survival of the fittest" model often seems to be
lurking in the background of the free-market economic models you were
just talking about.
CHOMSKY: There is a kind of pop Darwinism which holds that every
trait of an organism is specifically selected -- so if you have two
arms and not three, that is selected within some model of the survival
of the fittest. That's not serious science.
Furthermore, one cannot say, without substantial qualification,
that the structures of the body are well-adapted to function. Take
your eyes. They don't allow you to see in the dark. Does that mean
that eyes are an evolutionary failure because they are not adapted to
certain conditions? Look at the human spine. It's badly engineered,
which is why a huge number of people have back problems. I've been
told by serious scientists that large vertebrates have had back
problems all the way back to the shark, which seems to be well
engineered. But that's your expertise.
[In a Grand Street footnote, Alexander Cockburn explains: "I
once chided Chomsky for writing about Haitian refugees trying to
escape in leaky skiffs, hounded by the U.S. Coast Guard through
'shark-infested waters.' I told him this was baselessly anti-shark --
sharkist, in effect -- and just the sort of unreasoned prejudice he
was normally so vigilant against. Chomsky did some mild scoffing, so I
looked into it and found the facts even more dramatic than I had
supposed. Humans are more likely to be killed stepping on a cake of
soap in the shower than by sharks. Each year, on average, sharks
around the world kill twenty-five humans and humans kill twenty-five
million sharks."]
For many years, one of the most striking, oft-cited examples of how
natural selection led organisms to be well-adapted to particular
circumstances has been the enormous diversity of insects -- often
narrowly adapted to specific types of flowering plants. However, a
year ago, it was shown that about 95 percent of the current diverse
strains of insects existed hundreds of millions of years before there
were any flowering plants and, indeed, the arrival of flowering plants
probably reduced their rate of diversification.
But this kind of mystery doesn't lead you to God. It leads you to
looking for the physical laws that are operative.
QUESTION: How much do intuition and insight apply to the models in
your own discipline of linguistics?
CHOMSKY: The same as in any other field.
QUESTION: What about the abstraction from reality?
CHOMSKY: That's a danger here, as anywhere. Structuralist models,
Saussurean models, are very influential in the humanities -- in
literature, for example. Saussurean models establish an inventory of
sounds, and to a lesser extent, words and grammatical elements, but
they abstract away from surely the most crucial element: that people
express their thoughts in sentences. The Saussurean model is an
abstraction that's very remote from reality, so remote indeed that it
even led to a significant distortion in the narrow topic it studied.
The modern study considers the inventory of sounds in the context of
sentence formation. This gives you a much more realistic
understanding.
QUESTION: What has the study of linguistics taught us about models?
CHOMSKY: It's taught us some extremely surprising things about
human nature in its cognitive aspects. For example, there's fairly
good reason now to believe that in a certain, rather deep sense, there
is only one human language. If a Martian scientist looked at us the
way that we look at frogs he might well conclude that with marginal,
minor modifications, there is only one language. You and I might say
"tree," and a German would say "baum," but we're using basically the
same concepts from the same inventory, which is both rich and
restrictive. It seems that the principles of the construction of
sentences are almost invariant, with the differences in language
restricted to certain parts of the lexicon.
QUESTION: Is this an outcome that surprises you?
CHOMSKY: There are two surprises. One is the extraordinary richness
of the systems of thought and expression, both of which are just
beginning to be explored. Second, the narrowness of their variety.
Richness: Take something as simple as the meaning of a word like
"London." You know that London is a concrete object that could be
destroyed by a bomb. But it's also an abstract object. It could be
destroyed by a decision people make. A decision could be made in
Brussels to redraw boundaries, to move London up the Thames, and
designate it as a capital city at this new site. London is not a
place; it's at a place. It's not the things at that place. You could
change the buildings and it would still be London. All this we know
without any instruction or evidence.
This is true of the simplest concepts. Take a fairy story, which
children understand easily: the prince and the frog. He's the same
person right through that transformation from prince to frog to
prince. All children understand that he's still a prince even though
he's a frog. They define a person through some sort of psychic
continuity. We, and the children, understand that the prince could be
reincarnated as a bug or as a piece of dirt and still be the prince,
just as we know that if you amputate a man's arms, he is still the
same person.
Every concept has this kind of richness, and this just scratches
the surface. But concepts are the simplest part of language. When you
move to the understanding of sentences and specific grammatical
structure, the intricacy and complexity mount very rapidly. It all
happens instantaneously and without instruction, so it is somehow part
of our nature, and since it's part of our nature, it's part of all
languages and all cultures. Notice again how richness and uniformity
are related. If an embryo is structured richly enough to become a
human, it's impoverished enough that it can't become an ant. These
properties are always connected.
There are an infinite number of systems you could invent that
children couldn't learn but they can learn English on the basis of
very little experience because the internal instructions are rich
enough to force a particular outcome. If we are in the right
environment we will grow language the way we grow arms and legs. We
can't do anything about it. One major goal of linguistics is to find
out what that capacity consists of. How much of it is part of our
nature and how much is modified by experience? There are similar
enquiries to be made about human moral and aesthetic capacities. If
people are capable of making systematic judgments without relevant
evidence, the principles have to be coming from inside. You and I can
make systematic judgments about sentences of English without ever
having heard these sentences before. Your experience is far too
impoverished to determine these specific processes, so what you are
doing -- unless there are angels around -- must derive from your inner
nature. Experience has a limited effect on what you are. It modifies
it a little, but it can't make you eat different food or have wings
rather than arms.
[[The same is true of intellectual development, and the same is
true of moral life. You're constantly making choices and decisions and
judgments -- sometimes you don't know quite what to do -- but over a
wide range, you know what's right. And even when you disagree with
people, you find shared moral ground on which you can work things out.
That's true on every issue. Take a look at the debate over slavery; it
was largely on shared moral ground. And some of the arguments were not
so silly. You could understand the slave owner's arguments. A slave
owner says, 'If you own property, you treat it better than if you rent
property. So, I'm more humane than you are.' We can understand that
argument. You have to figure out what's wrong with it, but there is
shared moral ground over a range that goes far beyond any experience.
And this can only mean -- again, short of angels -- that it's growing
out of our nature. It means that there must be principles embedded in
our nature or at the core of our understanding of what a decent human
life is, what a proper form of society is, and so on.]]
QUESTION: So, is there much work being done now on humans'
essential moral or progressive capacity?
CHOMSKY: I've written about it. Not in any particularly original
way. It goes back to the Enlightenment -- and the classical liberalism
of Humboldt. Rousseau actually tried to connect his ideas about the
limits of Cartesian concepts of mechanism to a basis for human
freedom. [[This is in the Second Discourse, which is the libertarian
Rousseau. It derives from a kind of Cartesian basis, concerned with
the limits of mechanism.]] The limits of mechanism in Cartesian
philosophy are very closely related to observations about the creative
aspects of the use of language. [[That's essentially the connection.
It also appears in Humboldt, who was a very important linguist.]]
These elements of Enlightenment philosophy were largely forgotten in
the modern period. [[In these respects there's been a lot of
regression.]] The study of structuralism or [[contemporary]]
behavioral psychology or artificial intelligence lacks much of the
sophistication of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century understanding.
QUESTION: How much of that regression is related to the evolution
of political structures?
CHOMSKY: I have my own speculations. The idea that human beings are
malleable and don't have an instinctive nature is a very attractive
one to people who want to rule and control. The intelligentsia over
the past century or so has been pretty much a managerial class, a
secular priesthood. They have gone either in the Leninist direction --
"we have the right to rule" -- or toward the decision-making,
management sector of state capitalist society, the political,
ideological, and economic institutions.
The two ideologies are really very similar. I've sometimes compared
Robert McNamara to Lenin and you often only have to change a few words
for them to say
virtually the same thing. This is one reason why people can jump
so quickly from being loyal communists to "celebrating America," to
take the Partisan Review's famous Cold War phrase. All of this
was predicted by Bakunin; probably the only prediction in the social
sciences that's ever come true.
If you're essentially a manager of people, it's convenient to
believe they have no nature, that they are malleable. Then there is no
barrier to coercion. If, on the other hand, they have an instinct for
freedom, then there is a severe moral barrier to any kind of
management. [[You're injuring their fundamental nature, as with
enslavement. So it's convenient to believe this isn't true. That could
be one of the reasons why 'empty organism' theses, and malleability,
are very attractive to intellectuals.]]
QUESTION: I was reading a passage from Levi-Strauss's Tristes
Tropiques the other day -- he quotes a phrase from Rousseau that
seems to embody some of what you've been saying:
Enthusiastic partisans of the idea of progress are in danger of
failing to recognize -- because they set so little store by them --
the immense riches accumulated by the human race on either side of
the narrow furrow on which they keep their eyes fixed: by
underrating the achievements of the past, they devalue all those
which still remain to be accomplished. If men have always been
concerned with only one task -- how to create a society fit to live
in -- the forces which inspired our distant ancestors are also
present in us. Nothing is settled; everything can still be altered.
What was done, but turned out wrong, can be done again. 'The Golden
Age, which blind superstition had placed behind [or ahead of] us, is
in us.'
CHOMSKY: Aside from the word "everything," that's certainly
correct. He's right about what we call primitive or pretechnological
societies and the knowledge they developed on how the world works, on
language, human relations. The natural sciences have made enormous
progress, but they tell us nothing about how to lead our lives.
[[CHOMSKY: Aside from the word 'everything' near the end, that's
certainly correct. He's right about what we call primitive or
pretechnological societies. They have great cultural wealth, including
lots of scientific knowledge, the result of thousands of years of
enquiry, experiment, plant-breeding, and so on, which has led to an
enormous wealth of knowledge, which the West is now trying to steal
and establish patent rights over. And that's not even to consider
other knowledge developed on how the world works, on language, human
relations. The natural sciences have made enormous progress, but they
tell us nothing about how to lead our lives.]] |